Javier Corrales
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PhD. en Ciencia Política Universidad de Harvard
Líneas de Investigación: Política comparada de América Latina; Reformas económicas y de políticas públicas
Publicaciones Recientes:
(2010). Introduction: The Comparative Politics of Sexuality in Latin America (with Mario Pecheny). In Javier Corrales and Mario Pecheny, eds. The Politics of Sexuality in Latin America (University of Pittsburgh Press).
(2010). Latin American Gays: The Post-Left Leftists, in Americas Quaterly.
(2010).Relations between the United States and Venezuela, 2001-2009 (with Carlos A. Romero). In Jorge I. Domínguez and Rafael Fernández de Castro, eds. Contemporary U.S. Latin American Relations (Routledge).
(2010). The Repeating Revolution: Chávez's New Politics and Old Economics, in Kurt Weyland, Raúl L. Madrid, and Wendy Hunter, eds., Leftist Governments in Latin America (Cambridge University Press).
(2009). Venezuela's Foreign Policy: Using Social Power to Balance Soft Power. Washington Quarterly 32, 4 (October):97-114.
(2009). ¿Qué es el populismo? [What is populism?]. La Nación (San José de Costa Rica), November 29
(2009). Venezuela: Petro-Politics and the Promotion of Disorder. In Freedom House, Undermining Democracy; 21st-century authoritarianism (New York, Freedom House).
(2009). Volatilidad económica, debilidad de partidos y neocaudillismo en América Latina. Journal of Democracy en español (julio).
(2009). Gays in Latin America: Is the Closet Half-Empty. Foreign Policy, February, Web Exclusive.
(2006). Information Technology Adoption and Political Regimes. International Studies Quarterly (with Frank Westhoff).
The Venezuelan political regime today: strengths and weaknesses
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27 Julio 2010
Javier Corrales/Amherst College
The Chávez regime constitutes what political scientists often call a hybrid regime—it is not democratic, but it is not hard-core authoritarian either, at least not yet. Instead of abolishing checks-and-balances institutions, the regime packs them with loyalists. Instead of repressing dissidents, it practices job discrimination against voters. Instead of banning civic protests, it organizes counter-mobilizations by inciting and organizing mobs. Instead of disbanding organized opposition parties, it denies them resources. Instead of eliminating elected offices, it creates parallel, undemocratic units of government. Instead of shutting down the press, it burdens them with regulations and, through media buyouts, reduces the private media’s share of the market. Instead of suspending elections, it promotes abstentionism of would-be opponents by failing to guarantee the secrecy of the vote. Compared to the most repressive regimes of the 20th century, the Chávez regime is relatively innocuous. But compared to most Latin American countries today, where indices of political and civil liberties are historically high, the Chávez regime is certainly the least pluralistic in the region after Cuba.
